Background
The Board of Guardians consisted of 18 elected guardians, and 6 ex-officio officials, for a total of 24, who were elected annually at the end of March each year. Essentially, these 24 people decided the fate of all of those that needed relief each year in the union during the Famine, so held immense power and control.
One metric which can help determine how serious Guardians were about their administrative role is to examine the attendance at Board of Guardian meetings. Overall, attendance at meetings was quite low. The average turnout from 1844 to 51 was eight for elected guardians, three for ex-officio - eleven over all. Although ex-officio guardians attended less, they were more important, and dominated discussions and dictated key decisions. Regular attendance was not required, as important motions were announced weeks in advance. Ex-officio guardians were men of land and wealth. The majority of guardians were landlords, middlemen or agents to larger estates. The rest were mainly large farmers. All were rate payers and had vested interests in low taxation.
Guardianships tended to run in families, as with the Lamberts of Killeeneen Electoral Division, Lahiffs of Kilbeacanty, Gregorys of Kiltartan, and Taylors of Ardrahan. A conscientious guardian holding this position could spend considerable time at weekly meetings, which also allowed him to mix with the gentry.
In this blog post, I want to focus on one guardian in particular who was very active in trying to alleviate the distress of the Famine who I learned about while studying the Minute Books. What follows is not intended to be a complete biographical outline of his life, but essentially, I have tried to follow Edward Lombard Hunt from when he was born until he died in order to determine what kind of man he was. This is particularly relevant to Beagh as he was Lord Gort’s land agent during at least part of the Famine, and for any living descendants from Beagh reading this blogpost, we have a lot to thank him for – if it was not for him, even more of our ancestors may have perished in the Famine, as will be seen later in the blog post.
[1] Maureen Wilson, ‘Dundalk Poor-Law Union Workhouse: The First Twenty-Five Years, 1839-64’ in
Journal of the County Louth Archaeological and Historical Society, xx, No. 3 (1983), pp. 190-209.
Early Life and Marriage
On 5 October 1826, he was employed in Dublin by the Government to carry out an estimate of the expense of the Governors of the Hospital for Incurables in Dublin in January 1828.[4] On 31 March 1841 in Aughrim Church, Galway, by the Rev Edward Powell, Edmund Lombard Hunt ‘of Gort married Catherine, second daughter of Captain Powell, of Cloonraher, Co. Sligo, and Ballinasloe, Co. Sligo.’[5]
[1] Dublin Morning Register, 30 March 1841 p2
[2] Historical and Topographical Notes on buttevant, Castletownroche, Doneraile, Mallow and places in their vicinity. Collected by Colonel James Grove White, J.P., D. L, Vol. III, Pp. 8-10 http://www.corkpastandpresent.ie/places/northcork/grovewhitenotes/danesforttoelmvale/gw3_start_17.pdf
[3] http://landedestates.nuigalway.ie:8080/LandedEstates/jsp/estate-show.jsp?id=816
[4] Journals of the House of Commons, Volume 82, page 759.
[5] Limerick Chronicle, 31 March 1841
Employed as a Land Agent
Land agents were responsible for all aspects of estate administration and in the final analysis for managing expenditure on estates in their charge. Besides his estate duties, an agent often served as resident magistrate, represented his employer at poor law guardian meetings or organised voters at elections. Because of the importance of these functions and the moderate financial rewards on offer (an agent's normal income was 5% of rents collected but a fixed salary of £800 to £1,000 per annum from single estates was not unknown), the profession attracted younger sons of landlords throughout the nineteenth century. Agents were often local solicitors, retired army officers, or wealthy gentlemen.
Other more routine administrative duties on an estate were carried out by bailiffs, stewards and agriculturalists. Larger estates sometimes employed surveyors and valuators although individual landlords and their agents often carried out these duties themselves. The day to day running of an estate office, where established, was the duty of an accountant. Large estates also employed a number of clerks.[2]
By late 1833, aged just 32, Edmund was already employed as a land agent for Richard Gregory of Coole Demesne - in September and December 1833, he advertised to let land belonging to Richard Gregory, with residence listed as ‘Ballynamantane Cottage’.[3] It seems Richard Gregory was not his only employer, as in 1835, he also placed an advertisement for property in Moystown, King’s County, likely the property of Lieutenant Colonel L’Estrange, Moystown, Cloghan.[4]
In 1837, Edward remained employed by Richard Gregory as his land agent, while living at ‘Ballynamantan Cottage’, Kiltartan, while his employer lived in London. He was responsible for property in the following parishes owned by Gregory: 1890 acres in Ardrahan,[5] over 4300 acres in Kinvara,[6] over 1460 acres in Killiny,[7] and over 4250 acres in Kiltartan.[8] In total, he was responsible for over 11,900 acres of Robert Gregory’s land, at the age of only 36. His residence in Ballynamantin, Kiltartan was described as ‘a handsome small rural cottage overgrown with woodbine, ivy and other ornamental shrubs.’[9]
Edward must have been an industrious and prolific land agent, as an advertisement placed in January 1839 for lands in parishes of Colrey and Drumclief, Barony of Carberry, Co. Sligo, detail other employers of his as the Governors of schools founded by Erasmus Smith.[10] He was the agent for Western estates of schools founded by Erasmus Smith.[11]
Newspaper reports suggest he remained in their employment eleven years later in 1848,[12] and again in March 1852 and January 1855.[13]
In November 1843 and July 1844 he placed an advertisement for land for lease on the demesne of Roxborough, Co. Limerick, consisting of 320 acres, the property of Lord Gort, just over 2 miles from Limerick City.[14] It now appears that he was land agent for Richard Gregory, Lord Gort and the Governors of schools funded by Erasmus Smooth. By April 1845, he also worked for Bernard Browne within 2 miles of Oranmore.[15] At the end of December 1845, Edmund, on behalf of Lord Gort, applied for payment of 2 years rent of the workhouse due the 25 March last for £63.17.6. In December 1846 he advertised for the crag slate quarries of Killaloe, although it is not known who his employer was.[16]
Interestingly, the Government began a Royal Commission to enquire into the sate of law and practice in respect to occupation of land in Ireland in 1844 and Edmund himself was interviewed as a witness for the commission. What follows is an amalgamation of information Edmund himself gave in the enquiry.
He lived at Gort in August 1844 and had his office there. He described himself as a land agent in several counties Clare, Galway, Cork, Sligo and Westmeath, although principally in Galway, and was also a magistrate of Galway in 1844. Many farms in 1842 were held in common and joint tenancy, and still are, which Edward thought ‘most ruinous’. He believed there was no difficulty in getting the tenants to divide when it ‘is shown to them that it is for their advantage, as well as for the landlord, they are inclined to do so’. He informed rent in this area was usually fixed by proposal, and it was not the custom to take the highest offer: ‘reference is always had to character and to solvency’. Preference was always given to the occupying tenant ‘unless there is some reason for not wishing to continue him’, reasons such as being a ‘bad tenant, and not paying his rent regularly’ being the chief reasons. He 'sees thousands of tenants in the course of a year.'
In 1844 he held an agency in the neighbourhood of ‘this town’ and also in this town under Erasmus Smith’s board. He believed the state of agriculture was improving in the district, ‘but not in the ratio one would expect, it is very trifling’. In 1844 he was connected with no farming societies or agricultural schools, the nearest he was aware of being in Ballinasloe or Loughrea.
He was then asked specifically about the property of Erasmus Smith’s schools, which he informed ‘the greater part of the school property is building plots about the town. They have no power of giving any renumerations for improvements or assisting in improvements. He tried to enclose the square in Galway and to get a road from Oranmore to the sea side, and the board made every enquiry ‘and had no power to do it. I thought that every landlord could give money to benefit his estate’.
When asked if the agent has anything to do with the tenants upon that property except to receive the rent he responded as follows: ‘I think the agent has everything to do. None of the board ever saw any of the property; the agent is the only person who sees or is in communication with the tenants. But after all, I have nothing to do but to receive the rents, for they all consider they have such a good interest that they pay me their November rent before the 1st of May, and the May rent before the 1st November. There are not more than 4 or 5 large holders out of the town, and they are all wealthy people.’
According to Edmund, the general duties of agents are very various on different estates. ‘I am at this moment on the late General Taylor’s estate, building school houses and I am repairing roads. I consider it my duty, whether the landlord resides or not, to be constantly visiting the estate, and recommending everything in my power, and doing it, if he consents to it, for the benefit of the estate. I consider the agent’s duties not to be at all that of merely receiving the rent, for his own benefit he should look after the tenants. Suggestion for improvement in the law and practice in respect to the occupation of land in Ireland is that each tenant should have his own farm allocated to himself, and not held in common. Another suggestion is that where there is a permanent lasting improvement made by the tenant, that if the landlord sees it is for his own advantage to turn out the tenant afterwards, and put his land into his demesne, or to any other purpose, he should be obliged to make some compensation…something of the kind is very much wanted. I would give the tenant one third of the improvements made, and let the landlord derive the benefit of two thirds; for when tenants are making improvements, they do not stop any of them to think whether they are going to improve the property generally.’[17]
Up until 1 June 1847, Hunt was principal agent to Lord Gort, being replaced by Lord Gort’s son, the Honourable Mr. Standish Vereker, after Vereker married Miss Gage. There was about £1000 due to Mr. Hunt at that time, as well for his fees as agent as for bills which he had accepted for Lord Gort. When Mr Vereker became chief agent, Mr. Hunt still acted under him. By 11 November 1848 a deed was executed to Hunt which secured certain property at Loughcooter Castle, consisting of household furniture, farm stock etc to cover the money owed to him by Lord Gort.[18]
Sometime about 1850 it appears Edmund moved to Headford Castle and became land agent to St. George, an absentee landlord. In August 1852 his residence was noted as Headford Castle.[19]
[1] http://www.askaboutireland.ie/reading-room/history-heritage/big-houses-of-ireland/welcome-to-the-cork-archi/background-to-landed-esta/
[2] http://www.aughty.org/pdf/estate_own_manage.pdf
[3] Dublin Evening Mail, 29 November 1833 p2. Dublin Evening Mail, 04 December 1833 p. 1
[4] Saunders's News-Letter, 20 February 1835 p4
[5] http://places.galwaylibrary.ie/parish/17788
[6] http://places.webworld.org/parish/51601
[7] http://places.webworld.org/parish/20761
[8] http://places.webworld.org/parish/55906
[9] http://places.webworld.org/place/56188
[10] Sligo Champion, 05 January 1839 p1
[11] Pettigrew & Oulton's Dublin Almanack & General Register of Ireland 1844 page 314
[12] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 02 September 1848 page 3
[13] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 27 March 1852 p3 col 5. Galway Vindicator, and Connaught Advertiser, 06 January 1855 p3 col 2
[14] Limerick Chronicle, 04 November 1843 page 3. Dublin Evening Mail, 03 July 1844 page 4
[15] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 19 April 1845 p3
[16] Limerick Chronicle, 09 December 1846 p3
[17] Royal Commission of Inquiry into State of Law and Practice in respect to Occupation of Land in Ireland. Report; Minutes of Evidence, Part II. Pp.543-544
[18] Clare Journal, and Ennis Advertiser, 05 March 1849 pp. 1-2
[19] Galway Vindicator, and Connaught Advertiser, 18 August 1852 p2 col 2
Rent Collection
Apart from collecting rents, agents were expected to respond to those tenants who were paying no rent. It might be thought that ejectment was the norm in such circumstances. This, however, was not the case: ejectment was generally a measure of last resort, neither the landlord nor his agents could quickly get rid of tenants simply because they were in arrears. It is true that at any time in the 1840s ejectment decrees were outstanding, but many of them were not executed.[1]
Ejectment was an expensive and time-consuming process which normally suited neither landlord nor tenant. Undertenants and cottiers aside, usually the formal procedure was as follows: First, a notice to quit had to be served. If the tenant did not settle arrears over some months which followed, the landlord or his agents could then arrange for a summons to be issued against the tenant. After further delays and legal expenses incurred by the landlord, the parties would go to Court, the case would be heard and an ejectment decree might be issued. But this was not the end of the matter: if a decree was obtained, it next had to be executed, as confirmed by a legal document called a Habere. Service of a notice to quit, or (months later) issue of an ejectment decree, might induce defaulting tenants to settle.
Tenants in difficulties who ‘voluntarily’ surrendered their holdings may receive compensation. Of course such tenants knew that if they did not agree to surrender, then the landlord could probably get rid of them in time through the Courts and execution of a decree; furthermore, because in such cases the landlord would have incurred trouble and legal costs, such tenants who refused to surrender could not expect to receive much financial compensation if they were ultimately forced to leave an estate. Thus, ‘voluntary’ surrender rather than the route toward an ejectment decree was an alternative which could be deemed to have been simultaneously in the interests of both landlord and tenant.
Although rent collection was likely Hunt’s primary function, he was also involved in other aspects of estate management. Programmes of ‘squaring the land’ (rationalisation in the structure of holdings), drainage, sub-soiling and road-building were among the most important of these tasks. They involved hire of surveyors and agriculturalists.
[1] https://researchrepository.ucd.ie/bitstream/10197/1286/1/WP02.08.pdf
Charitable Work
In January 1840, he was the treasurer of the society for the extension of the Protestant Church accommodation, Kinvara. The aim of this society was to build a Protestant church in Kinvara, and he himself donated £5 to the cause.[1] This religious obviously promoted the Established Church. This did not reflect any obvious bigotry, instead, it reflected the fact that most of the largest landowners in Ireland belonged to the Established Church.[2]
Edmund L. Hunt of Bridge Street, Gort, was elected to the Board of Guardians of Gort Poor Law Union each year from 1843 to 1847. I have included Edmund’s role as a Guardian as this role was voluntary, and can be seen to be charitable in some ways. He attended 99 meetings from 8 June 1844 to 18 February 1848, a total of 51% of the meetings he could have attended in this time period. Considering his job would have involved quite a lot of travel around the country, 51% attendance is quite impressive. It is also important to note that Edmund’s attendance actually increased consistently consecutively from 1845, 1846 and 1847. It appears that as conditions worsened in the union, Edmund actively made more of an effort to attend the meetings. While on the Board of Guardians, he had served as the Deputy Vice Chairman for 1845 and 1847. He also served on the Finance Committee for 1847 and on another committee to make a contract for the erection of 2 sheds, to contain 25 patients each, and that an application be made to the Poor Law Commissioners to obtain the money on the same terms as for the last sheds. 1847 was a busy year for Edmund as a guardian, as he served on another committee to choose an eligible spot which could be taken by lease for a burial ground to the workhouse. The burial place in the neighbourhood of the poorhouse was reported as being ‘too confined and too near the house for the number of bodies which are now buried there’.
In 1848 he served on a committee with Mr. Lahiff appointed to revise the list of arrears of rate collectors. Later that year, he was on a committee formed to select two or three acres of land from Viscount Gort, adjoining the workhouse, for a burial ground, and to report to the Board as to the terms and tenures of the site which they may select.
By May 1846, he advanced £100 to the Beagh Temperance Society, to meet the distress occasioned by the destruction of the potato crop.[3] By that September, a newspaper report described him as follows: ‘an example of imitation is daily afforded by E.L. Hunt Esq, who is land agent to most of the proprietors of this district; his many acts of kindness and liberality to the poor are a matter of notoriety and of record.[4] Just a week later, a second newspaper described Edward: ‘we cannot find any terms strong enough to mark our sense of Mr. Hunt’s services to those with whom his duties, as agent to several properties, bring him in contact, as well as to the destitute generally, for whose wants he is incessant in endeavouring to afford relief’.[5]
In 1847 Mrs Hunt, Edward’s wife, along with Viscountess Gort and Mrs. Gregory superintended the first public soup kitchen in Ireland.[6]
In April 1852, the ‘liberality of Edmond Lombard Hunt, Esq, of Headford Castle, in presenting an Indian Canoe to the Museum of the Queen’s College. Nor is this the first instance of Mr. Hunt’s liberality to this Institution.[7]
In September 1853, ‘the example set by Lord Campbell to the landlords of this country, of entertaining his tenantry to dinner at Moycullen, has been pursued by Mr. Hunt of Headford Castle, on the part of R.M. St. George Esq.[8] It appears then that Edmund wanted to foster a good relationship between tenant and landlord.
In 1858, in the Tuam Union, Mr. Hunt, of Headford, applied for the purpose of taking out paupers (taking out paupers form the workhouse and fostering them in his home), ‘there was no doubt that he intended bringing them up Protestants.’ The guardians all refused his application, including Mr. Gannon. Gannon explained why they opposed his application. Hunt had no connexion with those he wished to take out: his sole object in taking them out was for the purpose of proselytizing. Here the case was different: they were giving them to the nearest relative.[9]
[1] Dublin Evening Packet and Correspondent, 21 January 1840 p1
[2] https://researchrepository.ucd.ie/bitstream/10197/1286/1/WP02.08.pdf
[3] Limerick Chronicle, 09 May 1846 p2
[4] Freeman's Journal, 18 September 1846 p3
[5] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 26 September 1846 p.2
[6] Kerry Evening Post, 17 April 1847 p2
[7] Galway Vindicator, and Connaught Advertiser, 07 April 1852 col 6
[8] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 03 September 1853 p3 col 1
[9] Dublin Daily Express, 21 August 1858 p4 col 3
Justice of Peace
In April 1847, a newspaper report regarding a ‘large mob assembled in Gort at an early hour using violent threats’ described Hunt as being an ‘active and excellent magistrate’ as he directed the large body of police present in the town to quell the riot.[3]
In December 1853 he was a magistrate at Headford Petty Sessions.[4] He was involved with a case around a Jumper Riot in Shrule, Co. Mayo, more specifically the supposed false charge of assault of James Grady. Apparently Grady, a boy of 13 years of age and native of Shrule, ‘was arrested suddenly and sent off to gaol, that the people of the locality may be inspired with terror, and thus prevented from opposing those itinerant jumpers, and doing what was right. The boy was examined in a private office or police barrack and then hurried off most unjustly and unfairly.’ Gave evidence ‘Those information’s were explained by me to James Grady in the police barrack; Grady promised if I should not send him to gaol not to do so again; I required bail of Grady to keep the peace; those whom he brought would not bail him; allowed him time to send for others to Shrule; Grady did not find bail and I consequently committed him; I afterwards learned that Mr. Rochford went bail for Grady in Galway; the police were present at the time, and others whom I Don’t recollect. ‘Was Walsh angry when called a jumper, for my definition of a jumper is a mercenary wretch who for money sells his religion.’ Grady then brought a case against Edward Hunt himself in August 1854, damages being laid at £100. This case established that James Grady came across James Walsh on his way to Headford…Shrule was then in a disturbed state and a large party of police were sent there…Mr Rochfort, Grady’s solicitor says his object was to get as much as would take the plaintiff to America, and not to make costs. The case was struck out.[5] Walsh swore that he was pelted with stones, and that he apprehended personal violence, whereupon plaintiff was taken to Headford, and required by Mr. hunt to enter into recognisances to keep the peace. Two responsible men, Mulroe and Moran, offered to become his security, but Mr Hunt refused to accept of their offer, unless they became bail for three years, which they declined to do.[6]It was insinuated that Mr. Hunt’s harsh conduct was prompted by them to take revenge against so active an agent in hooting the Jumpers.[7] The case was eventually thrown out of court.
[1] Galway Vindicator, and Connaught Advertiser, 07 May 1842 page 3. Southern Reporter and Cork Commercial Courier, 10 December 1844 page 2
[2] Athlone Sentinel, 11 April 1845 p1
[3] Limerick Chronicle, 17 April 1847 p1
[4] Dublin Evening Mail, 02 December 1853 p4 col 4
[5] Mayo Constitution, 08 August 1854 p3 col 5
[6] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 05 August 1854 p3 col 4
[7] Cork Examiner, 03 August 1855 p3 col 5
Gort Union Agricultural Society and Agricultural Practices
In March 1845, the Guardians of the Gort Poor Law Union agreed to form an agricultural society to be connected with the union, and named the Gort Union Agricultural Society.[2] A month later the Society placed an advertisement for an ‘Agriculturalist’. The first exhibition occurred in late September 1845, followed by meetings and exhibitions in February, April and September 1846. No further reference in newspaper articles regarding the Society could be located, but it is worth noting that the Society remained listed in Thom’s Irish Almanac until 1850 in the section entitled ‘Local Farming societies in Connexion with the Central Society’. In 1846, C. Christison was listed as the Secretary of the Gort Union Farming Society.[3] By 1847, Edmund L. Hunt Esq was listed as the Secretary, a position he still occupied in 1848, 1849 and 1850 [4],[5],[6],[7]. It should also be noted that Lord Gort, an instrumental figure in the Society, served on the 1846-1847 General Committee for the Royal Agricultural Improvement Society of Ireland[8], and served on the Council for that Society in 1848.[9]
Just a month after the first newspaper notice of the Society, it advertised for a ‘first rate Agriculturist’, with the promise of a ‘liberal salary’. Applications were to be sent to; Edmund Lombard Hunt, Treasurer; who was also a Secretary.[10] The society proceeded to hire Mr. Christoson as an agriculturist. Members of the society remarked ‘if people generally endeavoured to cultivate their lands according to the system recommended by Mr. Christoson, whom he had for some time known as an experienced agriculturist, they would find their advantage in the large increase of produce which would reward their labours. . . they were convinced that by following up the plans laid down by the society, they would soon be enabled to live happily in their homes, and every man amongst them would be prosperous and contented.’ [11]
In April 1846, Hunt, Treasurer of the Society, read the report of the Society’s preceding since its establishment in April last, and the following premiums, earned since September, were distributed.[12]
Edmund L Hunt, at a meeting later in the year, alluded to the fact that since 12 March 1846, the society had disposed of clover seed in small quantities to no less than 160 people in the district, where before the soil was used to yield nothing but impoverished weeds. 265 individuals also received a quantity of spring vetches, and there were a few instances where people required more than a stone and a half. More than 100 of the peasantry required turnip seed, which was supplied, and in mangel wurzel and other crops they were ready to meet the demand. One of the great draws with the Society was the funds are nearly exhausted ‘that we are cramped in our endeavours for the general good, and that for the last 6 months we were unable to have the services of the agriculturist who was for some time in our employment. …without the aid of such a person, we cannot go on as we might wish, and that for 6 months, at least from this date, we should have the assistance of 3 agriculturists who would be able to go from house to house and from farm to farm, showing people how best they might supply the deficiency created by the failure of that crop. All I ask at present is £100, to enable us to secure the services of 3 agriculturists for the next 6 months to go about the peasantry.[13]
Hunt said ‘I feel convinced that their secession is only temporary (those that left the society after just one year) and that, if they can lay any claim to a true patriotism, they will soon again be found co-operating with and assisting our endeavours for the good of our common country…But I must tell you that there will be – that there is – one general cry throughout the land, that the people in the humbler walks of life look up to you, and ask what are they to do in this season of distress and scarcity. It is your duty to answer that cry; and though it may be said that the landlords will not be able to meet the demands upon them, or even to receive a portion of their rents, still I am sure they can fall back upon their tenantry with confidence to the full extent of their ability, as readily as the tenantry can calculate upon their assistance in the hour of need and of adversity (cheers). I would certainly recommend you all to eschew the principle which has brought ruin upon many, that of being penny wise and pound foolish, and to adopt a system which must prove equally beneficial to those who own and those who cultivate the soul. If you do so, I feel convinced that the calamity which has befallen us will in the end, prove an advantage and a service to our people, and that they will have reason to thank Providence for the change in the food upon which our peasantry were used to rely for sustenance and support (hear, hear). As one of the great means for improving the condition of the people, I look upon the agricultural societies established in the different localities…They must put off the old habits and accommodate themselves to new ones – they (and I speak more particularly of the gentry and landed proprietors) must accustom themselves to less luxuries – they must have less wine at their tables – they must be content to wear less costly clothing, for I do not see that there is any disgrace in wearing a threadbare coat when the necessities of our fellow creatures require a curtailment of our expenditures. We must defer getting a new hat of a new vehicle until we see that the cries of the people for food are fully and entirely answered (cheers)’.[14]
In October 1845 some of Edward’s tenants won prizes in the agricultural show.[15] In August 1850, Edward gave testimony as to the use of arsenic cure being effective in pleuro-pneumonia in cattle. Previous to having used arsenic, Edward informed he had lost 4 milch cows and 2 heifers, writing his testimony from Headford Castle, Headford.[16] It appears he wanted to help spread the knowledge he had regarding best agricultural practices. His interest in agricultural practices continued when he moved to Headford, Co. Galway. In March 1853, he was involved in beginning two additional fairs at Headford.[17]
It appears that Hunt moved from land agent to landlord by 1855. In 1855 in Ballynamantan Townland, Ardrahan, he rented 12 acres of land from William H. Gregory worth £10. He also sublet a house worth £15 and 1 acre of land to Francis J. Davys worth £16 10 shillings in total, and over 5 acres and a house worth £1 to Patrick Ward.[18] An occupied house still exists at the site though it is not the original.[19] Similarly, he rented out a house in main Street Kinvara to Cornelius T. O’Brien, the buildings worth £7 10 shillings, for a total of £8.[20]
[1] 1836 Pettigrew & Oulton's Dublin Almanack & General Register of Ireland page 161
[2] Limerick Chronicle, 12 March 1845, page 2, column 3
[3] Thom's Irish Almanac 1846 page 288
[4] Thom's Irish Almanac 1847 page 286
[5] Thom's Irish Almanac 1848 page 286
[6] Thom's Irish Almanac 1849 page 285
[7] Thom's Irish Almanac 1850 page 286
[8] Thom's Irish Almanac 1847 page 281
[9] Thom's Irish Almanac 1848 page 285
[10] Dublin Evening Post, 17 April 1845, page 4 column 1
[11] Limerick Chronicle, 1 October 1845, p4
[12] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 11 April 1846, p2
[13] Farmer's Gazette and Journal of Practical Horticulture, 10 October 1846, p4
[14] Galway Mercury, and Connaught Weekly Advertiser, 26 September 1846 p. 1
[15] Limerick Chronicle, 01 October 1845 page 4
[16] Farmer's Gazette and Journal of Practical Horticulture, 16 August 1850 p10 col 1
[17] Tuam Herald, 26 March 1853 p2 col 4
[18] https://search.findmypast.ie/record?id=IRE/GRIFF/115/066&parentid=IRE/GRIFF/115/115066/023/2
[19] http://landedestates.nuigalway.ie:8080/LandedEstates/jsp/property-show.jsp?id=600
[20] https://search.findmypast.ie/record?id=IRE/GRIFF/115/096&parentid=IRE/GRIFF/115/115096/022/2
Later Life
[1] Cork Examiner, 10 October 1860 p3 col 4
[2] http://www.corkpastandpresent.ie/places/northcork/grovewhitenotes/danesforttoelmvale/gw3_start_17.pdf
Robert Hunt, Edmund’s brother
In April 1839 Robert Hunt had to repossess property in Limerick, houses in West Water gate called the limekiln Locks, the property of Lord Viscount Gort, with a bailiff, accompanied by Mr. Lloyd, the Sheriff.[1] Robert Hunt was admitted to the Freedom of Limerick City in June 1838.[2] Was Robert a brother to Edmund? In June 1840, Robert brought several tenants (13 in total) of Viscount Gort to the Petty Sessions for unlawfully turning up and burning land.[3] It appears Robert Hunt was also a land agent in Limerick.[4]
A letter in the Limerick Chronicle describes that an attempt was made on the life of Robert Hunt on 4 November 1844 in Rathkeale, Co. Limerick. He was agent to lands at Caheravalla for the last 7 years, and was kind and civil as an agent and gentleman, ‘always most willing and obliging to benefit the tenantry in every respect…as the tenantry on the late Lord Gort’s estate…there is no gentleman more worthy of transacting business between a landlord and his tenantry than Mr. hunt, as we have proved from our own transactions with that gentleman….we feel it a duty incumbent on us and on every honest man and lover of his country to bring such perpetrators to condign punishment, as the Hunt Family is at all times remarkable for their good principles and unparalleled generosity. Numerous other tenants also wrote similar letters. Robert also responded ‘I not only endeavour to benefit you by enabling you to make your farms more productive , but I feel that I also serve the landlords, whose real interest it is to have his tenants comfortable, and his lands in good heart’. His current address was listed as Cecil Street, Limerick.[5] In March 1845, Robert Hunt advertised lands at Roxborough on Lord Viscount Gort’s behalf.[6]
Robert was fired on Monday around noon, near Smithfield gate, Creagh, by an armed party of men, one of whom covered him as he drove along the road in his gig, by presenting a gun within a few feet of Robert, but Mr. Hunt’s servant (Lillis) drew out a pistol and frightened off the attacker.[7]
[1] Limerick Chronicle, 06 April 1839 p4
[2] Limerick Chronicle, 27 June 1838 p2
[3] Limerick Chronicle, 03 June 1840 p1
[4] Limerick Chronicle, 22 October 1845 p3 col 4
[5] Limerick Chronicle, 20 November 1844 p3
[6] Limerick Chronicle, 12 March 1845 p3
[7] Roscommon & Leitrim Gazette, 09 November 1844 p3 col4
Conclusion
It appears that Edmund Lombard Hunt held tenant welfare high in his priorities. As in most other professions, some of agents were humane, while others were less caring. Of course they were not particularly popular among people who did not enjoy having to pay rent. In this case, it seems Hunt was the former.
Further Reading About Land Agents
http://mural.maynoothuniversity.ie/5594/1/PD_Colonial.pdf
[1] http://www.aughty.org/pdf/estate_own_manage.pdf